Artwork stating 'Education Destroys Barriers', 'We Demand Treatment', and 'I Need A Chance'

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  • An Alternative to Police That Police Can Get Behind

    A street-level view of White Bird Clinic's CAHOOTS program in Eugene explains its appeal as a cost-saving, humane alternative to sending the police to 911 calls concerning mostly minor problems involving homelessness, mental illness, and substance abuse. From the decades-old program's countercultural beginnings to today's 24/7 presence, the private agency's publicly funded teams of a medic and crisis worker have helped keep problems from escalating into violence and jail time. But a number of factors call into question how scalable this approach would be in larger, more diverse cities.

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  • City program sends personal message about gun violence

    Albuquerque police make house calls to deliver a carrot-and-stick message to people at high risk of getting shot or shooting others. The Violence Intervention Program's "custom notifications" target people based on their criminal record or victimization in gun violence. The message: accept the offered services that can redirect your life, or suffer the consequences, of arrest or getting shot. Of 74 people notified and helped from March through mid-December 2020, none were known to have committed a new crime. Shootings in the city are up, but more research is needed to pinpoint the program's actual effects.

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  • Police Use Painful Dog Bites To Make People Obey

    Police often use dogs as a form of "pain compliance," non-lethal tactics that get a criminal suspect under control without having to resort to potentially lethal means. But this use of dogs can inflict pain and injury far out of proportion to the threat posed, even to the point that the detained person cannot comply with officers' demands. A lack of national standards or consensus about how to use dogs responsibly and safely, and the existence of many other tools and tactics that can be used instead, make the existence of hundreds of dog-bite cases a study in a failed de-escalation strategy.

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  • How Portland Protesters Keep Each Other Safe

    Behind the nightly protests against racism and police brutality on Portland's streets for more than five months stands a network of street medics and mutual aid groups dedicated to equipping and protecting protesters, and treating their injuries after clashes with police. Portland's already-vibrant street medic community responded to the policing protests with emergency medical care. Their work, plus that of other mutual aid groups, has taken on an added dimension during the pandemic, with masks and hand sanitizer added to the list of supplies.

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  • NYPD Cops Cash In on Sex Trade Arrests With Little Evidence, While Black and Brown New Yorkers Pay the Price

    New York Police Department sex-crimes enforcement officially shifted away from arresting people selling sex to those buying it and those in the large-scale trafficking business. At the same time, the Human Trafficking Intervention Court was created to divert sex workers' criminal cases away from conviction and toward social services. The reality, however, is that police officers' overtime income gives them incentives to make high volumes of arrests of sex workers and buyers in flimsy, low-level cases that get plea-bargained down, but which skew heavily against people of color.

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  • Police Drones Are Starting to Think for Themselves

    The first Drone as First Responder program in the U.S. expands the use of drone aircraft by the police, sending the aircraft on emergency calls without direct oversight by a human pilot. Using technology similar to self-driving cars, the drones deploy long-distance cameras and other sensors to observe things more quickly, safely, or efficiently than through traditional means. As more police departments adopt the equipment and tactic, privacy advocates warn of surveillance excesses that could harm over-policed populations.

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  • An oft-tried plan to curb violent crime in Baltimore resurfaces. City leaders say better leadership will bring better results.

    In the 1990s and again in 2014, when Baltimore used a strategy called focused deterrence to reduce street violence, it showed initial promise but then failed. Those failures can be tied to how the program was managed, and to changes in leadership, not to the approach itself. The strategy offers help to people at risk of shooting others or being shot, but threatens them with prosecution if they reject the help and commit violence. The revived Group Violence Reduction Strategy has worked well in many cities, including New Orleans, where Baltimore's current police chief came from.

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  • Illegal Out-of-State Gun Trafficking is Fueling Baltimore's Homicide Epidemic

    When Baltimore police shifted tactics starting in 2007, away from aggressive street stops aimed at arresting gun carriers toward regulating the supply of street guns at their sources, the city's murder rate plunged. Backed by studies on effective gun regulations, the focus on tracing crime guns to their sources, firearms traffickers and corrupt gun retailers, often in states with lax laws on gun sales, seemed to have significant positive effects. That strategy was largely abandoned and an emphasis on street enforcement resumed. Baltimore's homicides went back up.

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  • How the Criminal Justice System Fails People With Mental Illness

    Crisis-intervention and de-escalation trainings for police were meant to reform the criminal justice system's handling of people suffering from mental illness. But a lack of rigorous standards in the training and use of these approaches means that they routinely fail as a means of diverting people from arrest and incarceration toward treatment. That failure, combined with a lack of adequate mental-health-care resources, maintains jails' and prisons' role as the nation's de facto mental health care hospitals, even though they lack the will and the means to help people heal.

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  • New Orleans actively releases videos of police shootings. Is it paying off with trust?

    Once viewed as one of the nation's most brutal and corrupt police departments, New Orleans Police Department has earned steadily improving public support with a host of reforms. One reform that it took voluntarily, and in contrast with common practice in Louisiana, is to quickly release body-camera videos of police shootings and other uses of force. Though its effect is hard to untangle from other initiatives, video releases have become routine. In one case, a video prompted an official apology after proving rubber bullets were used against protesters. This helped lead to new restrictions on crowd control.

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